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Scene one. Take 1. 26 14. Smathers Fulbright? Mm. Yeah. Uh huh. Mhm. How do you do? Ladies and gentlemen, I'm particularly honored and pleased at this time to have, as my guest, very able. Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Senator Bill Full Bryant of Arkansas.

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Senator. We're all concerned naturally with the crisis in Berlin, and I'd like to start off this little session by asking you in your judgment, how serious is this Berlin crisis? Well, Georgia, I think it's very serious indeed. I think the Russians are engaging in a very serious, probing operation.

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None of us can judge to how far they're likely to go. But I think we ought to assume that they may go very far and may, in the final analysis, use rather off tactic. They keep making suggestions indicating a willingness to negotiate and to discuss the matter would always, with the final objective of removing us completely from Berlin.

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I think they really want the West to get out of Berlin. I'm sure Berlin is proving to be a troublesome spot for East Germany and for all the satellite areas. So I think there quite determined to see this come about and then since we're quite determined not to get out, you can see it may become very serious.

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Well, do you think that were right in taking the position that we will not, As the president has said, Give one inch I, of course I am in firmly of the opinion, we must support president in his policies. On the other hand, I think the this is a manner of speaking.

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In this sense, we notice that we mustn't give out to give one inch unless there are concessions on the other side that would justify them. I mean, it's impossible to anticipate all the possible combinations of offers that might arise. I think he's correct and putting it that way.

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On the other hand, I think he also does not exclude the possibility of negotiations, which might result in concessions of an equally important part on their side. For example, you often there, what do you well do you think might be used? But if in real corridor could be given free or any inspection with a complete right of access to Berlin, coupled with some form of control of Berlin of an international nature, I think that might be a serious an offer will say it very seriously to be considered, uh, this matter of access and the preservation of the freedom of choice of the people of Berlin is what we're really after.

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The mere fact of our physical presence of some 11,000 troops is not itself in an end in itself. So I can imagine that there could be a negotiations which our people, our president and our people would would would accept. But in the beginning, you don't start saying you accept anything before you get to that point.

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As of the moment, I think the attitude that we're not moving out just unilaterally, which which one way to interpret is absolutely correct. You're not just giving up, and we should not. You think, then, that we should continue to insist on a foreign ministers conference, and then possibly after that, the summit, as Khrushchev has asked, You think that's proper?

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Well, yeah, in a sense, it's proper. I always thought that preliminary negotiations, whether they be through a foreign minister's office or through your regular Democrat diplomatic channels is a question. On the other hand, we do have to accept the fact that in Russia there isn't this second most important man.

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It's just the most important man I can see. Their point of view is from their point of view, it's rather wasted time because Khrushchev speaks for them and their foreign minister doesn't have a very responsible position. As certainly ours does. It has during the past several years.

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So this is a matter that I think we ought to be somewhat agreeable about in adapting, I thought. And it's suggested that instead of being too sticky about high level conferences, summit conferences, that we tend to accept those in viewer world conditions is a more common practice, perhaps have one every six months, right?

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And then then we won't expect it to solve everything. We won't because they don't end. They won't. We don't get a great up and down and disappoint. Well, thank you very, very much for these expressions are sorry. Our time is so short. But I do believe that our viewers have enjoyed getting your view.

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I know I have. Thank you very much for looking in. I hope you're looking again at the same time next week through all that, right? Mhm possibly freer. Seem to take 1. 26 14. Another spot. Mm, mhm. Senator Fulbright, How serious do you think this crisis really?

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Is it Berlin? Well, George, I think it's extremely serious. I think that the Russians are engaging in a determined, probing operation which, if things don't go well, could well result in in the use of force and and now ever happens. Even on a minor scale, it's extremely difficult to limit it.

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So I think we should take it most seriously and should and not take it lightly. I sometimes regret the assumption that may people make that there's going to be no war. I think that's premature. Actually, it's a very serious situation.