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Senator Smathers. It's good to have you here with us to report back to the people of Florida this week. Of course, the main item might think for discussions should be the test ban. That's our discussion on the floor now, is it not right, And it will probably go on until the time these people have seen this program.

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I hope shortly thereafter that we will get to vote on that the treaty will pass. What are your feelings on this Goldwater amendment that has to do with getting the Russians out of Cuba? You almost have to be for that, don't you? Well, first, we've already agreed.

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The senators have already agreed that that particular amendment is not German. And as I said in my speech on the floor, that's an amendment with which I have a great deal of sympathy. I think I was the first member of Congress to decry the advances of Fidel Castro and the Communist movement in Cuba.

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I was the first senator of first member of Congress to warn of the danger of communism to the Western Hemisphere. So, as I said in my talk on the floor, that I think the Arizona senator's ringing a bell. I regret that he's ringing at the wrong address in trying to put it on this particular treaty, because the result of his amendment would have been not to get the troops out of Cuba, not to get the Russians out of Cuba.

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But the practical effect of it would have been to destroy this test ban treaty. I do support him, and I do support others who believe that we should take a firmer and stronger position with respect to getting Fidel Castro out of Cuba. Senator, I'd like to have your feelings on this testimony that's been given by some of the military and some of our scientists against the ratification.

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Well, I would first like to say that there have been some military men, of course, who were against the treaty. General Tower powers. Particularly there have been Admiral Burke and others, but the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who are the ones who achieved the responsible for our defense at this time.

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They have all stated publicly before our Foreign Relations Committee and elsewhere that they were in favor of the treaty and that they would has signed it if they were Senators, uh, the commandant of the Marine Corps and whom I have great confidence. General David Shoup, who has received the Congressional Medal of Honor for bravery and knows a great deal about this particular subject.

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He's for it. There are, once there's one scientist, doctor Harold Teller, who is against this treaty. But on the other hand, most of the scientists, I would say, 90% of them who made up the present Eisenhower's committee of scientists and who's made up President Kennedy's committee of scientists.

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They all favor the treaty. And so I think any reasonable person who had listened to all the testimony could not help but come to the conclusion that while they were risk involved in the treaty, nevertheless, the great weight of evidence was for it. What department are the Russians ahead of us?

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Some of the scientists have said that we've got to catch up, and we can't do it with the test ban treaty. Well, the Soviet Union is ahead of us in the matter of exploding large bombs megatons in the range of 50 to 65 megaton bombs. On the other hand, as was stated by Dr Teller, who's against the treaty.

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In all of our scientists and the Secretary of Defense, we did not want the big bombs anyway because we felt our smaller bombs were more sophisticated. We could do more damage with them. They were more easily handled and directed. And even if we were continuing to test, we would not test large bombs in the atmosphere.

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Some say that this test ban will prevent us from going ahead on our development of the anti missile missile. Well, that is not the case, and we went into that very thoroughly. It was testified by Senator by Secretary McNamara and the Joint Chiefs of Staff again the chairman, the Atomic Energy Commission, head of the CIA, and all the rest were going ahead rapidly with the development of our anti missile missile.

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We can do just as much on the development of that underground as we can in the atmosphere. As a matter of fact, in the test underground, we are already ahead of the Soviet Union and that environment, and we can make faster and better developments underground than can they?

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Of course, the ultimate question is what benefit to the United States to we get by ratifying this treaty. Well, I think there are long range of benefits. First, we were not necessarily endangering ourselves by doing it. But big thing that we have to keep in mind is that we do not want a nuclear war.

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We're talking about bombs that are 50 times larger than the bombs that were dropped on Japan were hundreds of millions of people would be killed. And it's very important that we try to avoid a nuclear war if at all possible. It's very important that we stop this radioactive fallout, which has a great tendency and will endanger future generations.

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Thank you very much. Senator George Smathers, Senator Smathers. I'd like to go back to a point on radiation. Some of our scientists say that the radiation even today is extremely high. Others say well, it will be years before and be high enough to be any real harm to the people.

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Well, we had a probably the most authoritative scientists we had on this subject said that today, by virtue of the testing, there would probably be 50,000 people in the world who would be malformed and twisted and would be hurt genetically and semantically by this radiation. But the fact of the matter is, if we continue to test ourselves the United States and if the Soviet Union continues to test in the atmosphere with these large yield weapons, these high yield weapons and if finally the Chinese and other nations Israel and Egypt and other France who's going to test the plans to test this year in the Pacific if they all begin to test, then there's no question that what we fill the atmosphere with radioactive materials and fallout that it is going to have a deleterious effect on our civilization.

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And instead of 50,000, there'll be 500,000 and maybe five million. And before long, 500 millions of people who will be cursed to a life of living, a deformed life in a malformed life and without the normal functions and processes of their body that they now have.

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So this is a very dangerous condition, then went into which we're moving. And this is one of the reasons why we must Endeavour is rational people to head this thing off if at all possible, I'd like to get on another subject Senator of the House Committee Ways and means Committee has reported out of tax bill.

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The House will consider it a lot of part of this month. Do you think that's going to come to the Senate too late to consider it in this session of the Congress? I don't We will consider it in this Congress. But I doubt that it's going to be able to pass this year, even though the president is and others are making a great move for it.

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I personally very strongly for the tax bill. I think that we needed to stimulate our economy. It is well demonstrated that in order for us to balance the budget, we have got to increase the revenues to the government. What, we don't want to do that by raising taxes because it's already been demonstrated that taxes have a restrictive effect on our business.

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So what we need is to stimulate the economy so that there is naturally more business, more jobs and increasing our gross national product, and all of this will mean greater income to the Treasury, even at a lower rate. And that's the way we can balance the budget in 1958 when President Eisenhower was still president.

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We had the largest peacetime deficit in our history, even though it had been predicted that year that we would have a balanced budget. And why did that occur? Because we had a recession in the country because there were a lot of unemployed because there were not the return to the Treasury in the form of taxes, personal income taxes and corporate taxes that had been anticipated were the results, and we ran this enormous deficit.

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Now that demonstrates, as do other conditions which I won't go into it this time that we must have a strong economy. If we're ever going to balance the budget, we can reduce even expenditures of the Congress substantially. But that doesn't balance the budget. We in order to have a balanced budget, we've got to have a stronger economy, a more rapidly growing economy and an economy that throws off more money.

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Now to get more money, we've got to have a certain amount of foreign trade and what the foreign market the common market is going to do to us, we don't know quite yet, But here we have the president of the Chamber of Commerce making a statement that he thinks now we should probably trade in a limited way with red China.

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Now that's been very debatable over the past years. Well, it's still debatable again. We're our economic theories and our political theories come into conflict. Economically speaking, we ought to trade with everybody in the world. On the other hand, we don't want to. I don't think politically that we can afford to trade with those people who are our sworn enemies.

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I don't think we can trade with Fidel Castro. I don't think we should trade with red China. I don't think we should trade with the Soviet Union at this time. It may be that they're changing their course. It may be that they're becoming more oriented to due West.

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It may be that they're relaxing some of their goals of taking over the world. I don't know that's an ideological difference, which we're going to have to establish. That's actually coming about. But I don't believe we should help our enemies even though you're not helping our enemies.

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In some ways we don't help ourselves, but I think there's enough trade in the free world for us to increase that type of trade and thereby stimulate our economy through increased trade. Thank you very much, Senator George Smathers. We invite our listening audience to join us the same time next week.